{"id":91765,"date":"2017-12-02T16:21:00","date_gmt":"2017-12-02T16:21:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2023-01-06T20:52:09","modified_gmt":"2023-01-06T20:52:09","slug":"sources-and-methods","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/2017\/12\/02\/sources-and-methods\/","title":{"rendered":"Sources and Methods"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div><h3 class=\"post-title entry-title\" itemprop=\"name\"><\/h3>\n<div class=\"post-header\"> <\/div>\n<p>The growing imbroligo over the Iran NIE is raising new concerns about  the intelligence sources and methods used to produce the document&#8211;and  its controversial judgments.<\/p>\n<p>Individuals familiar with the  assessment suggest that &#8220;new&#8221; information led analysts to conclude that  Tehran halted its nuclear weapons development program in 2003. That  represents a sea change from the previous NIE (issued in 2005), which  concluded that Iran was actively pursuing nuclear weapons.<\/p>\n<p>While  there are legitimate concerns about the personal biases and suspected  political agendas of the study&#8217;s primary authors, Americans should also  worry about the quality and reliability of the information used in  formulating the assessment. <a href=\"http:\/\/formerspook.blogspot.com\/2007\/12\/van-diepen-demarche.html\">To paraphrase Michael Ledeen<\/a>,  believing the NIE&#8217;s key judgments means that the evidence has to be  awfully good. And evidence of that quality has been in notoriously short  supply, both from our sources in the Middle East, and the spy agencies  tasked with sorting it out.<\/p>\n<p>This much we know: the full version  of the NIE covers 150 pages, including appendices and other supporting  documentation. The report&#8217;s key judgments section, declassified earlier  this week, runs only four pages, including a chart that highlights key  changes between the latest assessment and the 2005 version. Without the  declassification of some supporting data, we can only accept the  conclusions of an intelligence community with a poor track record on WMD  matters, particularly among rogue states.<\/p>\n<p>As with any National  Intelligence Estimate, we assume the new Iran assessment makes use of  the full array of intel sources and methods&#8211;SIGINT, HUMINT, IMINT,  MASINT and even open-source reporting. But we also recognize that  information from these same sources led to a dramatically different  conclusion just two years ago. Moreover, the volume and quality of  collection from these platforms has not improved dramatically&#8211;as far as  we can tell. Technological refinements in our intel systems are offset  by the adversary&#8217;s own advances, and their attempts at denial and  deception.<\/p>\n<p>Consider the example of signals intelligence, or  SIGINT. The National Security Agency (NSA) remains the preeminent SIGINT  organization in the world. But agency veterans will tell you that the  SIGINT environment has become increasingly challenging, thanks to the  proliferation of fiber-optic technology and low-cost encryption devices.  Phone calls and other communications that once bounced between relay  towers are now routed over fiber-optic cable; intercepting them means  tapping into the line, a difficult proposition in places like Iran,  Syria or North Korea.<br \/>The problem is further compounded by wide  availability of personal encryption devices. Complex cyphers that were  once the exclusive property of governments and intelligence services can  now be downloaded from the internet. Increased use of these systems and  devices slows the decrypt of adversary communication&#8211;and the flow of  information to decision-makers.<br \/>What about cell phones, you ask? They  operate on a tower-based line-of-sight system. True, but intercepting  those transmissions (usually) means getting inside hostile territory,  further complicating the collection task.<\/p>\n<p>And SIGINT isn&#8217;t the  only intel discipline facing such challenges. In the internet era, there  are scores of websites that offer information on the orbits and  potential collection &#8220;windows&#8221; for spy satellites. Today, an effective  satellite warning program is just a few keystrokes away&#8211;and there&#8217;s  little we can do about it.<\/p>\n<p>HUMINT? <a href=\"http:\/\/www.wmd.gov\/report\/overview_fm.pdf\">The Robb-Silberman Commission Report (released in 2005) deplored the state of our HUMINT capabilities<\/a>,  noting the meager haul on Saddam&#8217;s WMD programs in the run-up to the  war, and the wholesale lack of reporting on Iraqi leadership intentions.  Similar problems are said to exist with the Iranian &#8220;target,&#8221; which  presents similar challenges. Clearly, there have been no major  &#8220;breakthroughs&#8221; in traditional collection methods over the past two  years.<\/p>\n<p>What changed (apparently) was the receipt of new  information from well-placed sources that forced a revised assessment.  We maintain that the most likely source for this information was General  Ali Rez Asgari, who defected to the west earlier this year. As the  long-time commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (and a  Deputy Defense Minister), Asgari had access to a wide range of highly  sensitive programs, including his country&#8217;s nuclear efforts. Officials  who spoke with <a href=\"http:\/\/www.washingtontimes.com\/apps\/pbcs.dll\/article?AID=\/20071204\/NATION\/112040058&amp;template=nextpage\">Bill Gertz of the <em>Washington Times <\/em><\/a>have also hinted that Asgari was the source for the new information.<\/p>\n<p>If  General Asgari&#8217;s reporting is the primary reason for the revised  assessment, it&#8217;s almost certain that he smuggled reams of information  out of Iran. Having been burned by &#8220;single sources,&#8221; before, it&#8217;s  unlikely that the intel community would assign such credence to his  data&#8211;unless Asgari had documentation to support his claims. That raises  obvious concerns about plants, deception and double agents, but (so  far) General Asgari&#8217;s claims have apparently withstood scrutiny.<\/p>\n<p>We should note, however, that the defector may not be the primary source for the new NIE and its startling judgment. <a href=\"http:\/\/www.newsmax.com\/timmerman\/iran_nukes\/2007\/12\/04\/54359.html\">In his latest dispatch for Newsmax, Kenneth Timmerman offers this disturbing revelation<\/a>:<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 85%;\">[The  NIE&#8217;s] most dramatic conclusion \u2014 that Iran shut down its nuclear  weapons program in 2003 in response to international pressure \u2014 is based  on a single, unvetted source who provided information to a foreign  intelligence service and has not been interviewed directly by the United  States. <\/span><br \/><span style=\"font-size: 85%;\"><br \/>Newsmax sources in  Tehran believe that Washington has fallen for \u201ca deliberate  disinformation campaign\u201d cooked up by the Revolutionary Guards, who  laundered fake information and fed it to the United States through  Revolutionary Guards intelligence officers posing as senior diplomats in  Europe.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 100%;\">And whatever the source, the information prompted a rapid change in the intel community&#8217;s views on Iran&#8217;s nuclear program. As <a href=\"http:\/\/www.weeklystandard.com\/weblogs\/TWSFP\/2007\/12\/nie_an_abrupt_aboutface.asp\">Thomas Joscelyn reports at the Weekly Standard <\/a>(H\/T: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.captainsquartersblog.com\/mt\/\">Ed Morrissey<\/a>),  one of the NIE&#8217;s key authors offered a completely different take on  Tehran&#8217;s nuclear efforts just five months ago. Testifying before  Congress on 11 July of this year, Thomas Fingar of the NIC stated that  Iran was still pursuing nuclear weapons:<\/span><br \/><span style=\"font-size: 100%;\"><\/span><\/span><span style=\"font-size: 85%;\">Iran  and North Korea are the states of most concern to us. The United  States\u2019 concerns about Iran are shared by many nations, including many  of Iran\u2019s neighbors. Iran is continuing to pursue uranium enrichment and  has shown more interest in protracting negotiations and working to  delay and diminish the impact of UNSC sanctions than in reaching an  acceptable diplomatic solution. <strong>We assess that Tehran is determined to develop nuclear weapons&#8211;despite its international obligations and international pressure<\/strong>.  This is a grave concern to the other countries in the region whose  security would be threatened should Iran acquire nuclear weapons. <\/span><br \/><span style=\"font-size: 85%;\"><\/span><br \/>Compare that to key judgments from the NIE that Mr. Fingar helped prepare:<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;We judge with high confidence that in the fall of 2003, Iran halted its nuclear weapons program.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;We judge with high confidence that the halt lasted at least several years.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>[And]<\/p>\n<p>&#8220;We  assess with moderate confidence that Tehran had not restarted its  nuclear weapons program as of mid-2007, but we do not know whether it  currently plans to develop nuclear weapons.<\/p>\n<p>Obviously, any  intelligence estimate is only as good as the information it&#8217;s based on.  Political agendas and personal biases aside, it&#8217;s clear that the  bottom-line assessment of the new NIE raises questions about the quality  and reliability of its source data. No one can reasonably expect the  intel community to reveal all sources and methods that were used in  generating the report. However, it is not unreasonable for  lawmakers&#8211;and the public&#8211;to demand a more detailed explanation as to  how intelligence analysts arrived at their astounding conclusion, and  the data they used to support that assessment.<\/p>\n<p>Maybe it&#8217;s time  for another exercise in competitive analysis. Intel vets will groan  about the inaccuracies of the CIA&#8217;s &#8220;Team B&#8221; in the 1970s&#8211;and they  certainly have a point. But it&#8217;s also worth remembering that <a href=\"http:\/\/www.edwardjayepstein.com\/2003question\/teamb.htm\">Team B was right on more than a few counts<\/a>.  Simply stated, we cannot afford to be wrong on the Iranian nuclear  issue. Maybe it&#8217;s time for another set of eyes to take a look at that  revelatory information that prompted the new assessment.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The growing imbroligo over the Iran NIE is raising new concerns about the intelligence sources and methods used to produce the document&#8211;and its controversial judgments. Individuals familiar with the assessment suggest that &#8220;new&#8221; information led analysts to conclude that Tehran halted its nuclear weapons development program in 2003. That represents a sea change from the [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/91765"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=91765"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/91765\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=91765"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=91765"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=91765"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}