{"id":87608,"date":"2018-02-24T15:52:00","date_gmt":"2018-02-24T15:52:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2023-01-06T20:21:33","modified_gmt":"2023-01-06T20:21:33","slug":"adam-smith_24","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/2018\/02\/24\/adam-smith_24\/","title":{"rendered":"Adam Smith"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div><h1 style=\"background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;\"><\/h1>\n<pre style=\"background-color: #f9f9f9; color: #333333; font-size: 12px; padding-left: 18px;\">                    RUSSIAN ECONOMIC ACADEMY NAMED AFTER<br \/>                                G V PLEKHANOV<br \/><br \/>                       INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS STUDIES<br \/><br \/><br \/><br \/>                                 ADAM SMITH<br \/><br \/><br \/><br \/>  Student: Anton Skobelev<br \/>  Group: 855<br \/><br \/><br \/><br \/>                                 Moscow 1997<br \/><br \/>After two centuries, Adam Smith remains a towering figure in the history of<br \/>economic thought. Known primarily for a single work, An Inquiry into the<br \/>nature an causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), the first comprehensive<br \/>system of political economy, Smith is more properly regarded as a social<br \/>philosopher whose economic writings constitute only the capstone to an<br \/>overarching view of political and social evolution. If his masterwork is<br \/>viewed in relation to his earlier lectures on moral philosophy and<br \/>government, as well as to allusions in The Theory of Moral Sentiments<br \/>(1759) to a work he hoped to write on \u201cthe general principles of law and<br \/>government, and of the different revolutions they have undergone in the<br \/>different ages and periods of society\u201d, then The Wealth of Nations may be<br \/>seen not merely as a treatise on economics but as a partial exposition of a<br \/>much larger scheme of historical evolution.<br \/><br \/><br \/>Early Life<br \/><br \/><br \/>Unfortunately, much is known about Smith\u2019s thought than about his life.<br \/>Though the exact date of his birth is unknown, he was baptised on June 5,<br \/>1723, in Kikcaldy, a small (population 1,500) but thriving fishing village<br \/>near Edinburgh, the son by second marriage of Adam Smith, comptroller of<br \/>customs at Kikcaldy, and Margaret Douglas, daughter of a substantial<br \/>landowner. Of Smith\u2019s childhood nothing is known other than that he<br \/>received his elementary schooling in Kirkcaldy and that at the age of four<br \/>years he was said to have been carried off by gypsies. Pursuits was<br \/>mounted, and young Adam was abandoned by his captors. \u201cHe would have made,<br \/>I fear, a poor gypsy\u201d, commented his principal biographer.<br \/><br \/>At the age of 14, in 1737, Smith entered the university of Glasgow, already<br \/>remarkable as a centre of what was to become known as the Scottish<br \/>Enlightenment. There, he was deeply influenced by Francis Hutcheson, a<br \/>famous professor of moral philosophy from whose economic and philosophical<br \/>views he was later to diverge but whose magnetic character seems to have<br \/>been a main shaping force in Smith\u2019s development. Graduating in 1740, Smith<br \/>won a scholarship (the Snell Exhibition) and travelled on horseback to<br \/>Oxford, where he stayed at Balliol College. Compared to the stimulating<br \/>atmosphere of Glasgow, Oxford was an educational desert. His years there<br \/>were spent largely in self-education, from which Smith obtained a firm<br \/>grasp of both classical and contemporary philosophy.<br \/>Returning to his home after an absence of six years, Smith cast about for<br \/>suitable employment. The connections of his mother\u2019s family, together with<br \/>the support of the jurist and philosopher Lord Henry Kames, resulted in an<br \/>opportunity to give a series of public lectures in Edinburgh - a form of<br \/>education then much in vogue in the prevailing spirit of \u201c improvement\u201d.<br \/><br \/>The lectures, which ranged over a wide variety of subjects from rhetoric<br \/>history and economics, made a deep impression on some of Smith\u2019s notable<br \/>contemporaries. They also had a marked influence on Smith\u2019s own career, for<br \/>in 1751, at the age of 27, he was appointed professor of logic at Glasgow,<br \/>from which post he transferred in 1752 to the more remunerative<br \/>professorship of moral philosophy, a subject that embraced the related<br \/>fields of natural theology, ethics, jurisprudence, and political economy.<br \/><br \/><br \/>Glasgow<br \/><br \/><br \/>Smith then entered upon a period of extraordinary creativity, combined with<br \/>a social and intellectual life that he afterward described as \u201c by far the<br \/>happiest, and most honourable period of my life\u201d. During the week he<br \/>lectured daily from 7:30 to 8:30 am and again thrice weekly from 11 am to<br \/>noon, to classes of up to 90 students, aged 14 and 16. (Although his<br \/>lectures were presented in English, following the precedent of Hutcheson,<br \/>rather than in Latin, the level of sophistication for so young an audience<br \/>today strikes one as extraordinarily demanding.) Afternoons were occupied<br \/>with university affairs in which Smith played an active role, being elected<br \/>dean of faculty in 1758; his evenings were spent in the stimulating company<br \/>of Glasgow society.<br \/><br \/>Among his circle of acquaintances were not only remembers of the<br \/>aristocracy, many connected with the government, but also a range of<br \/>intellectual and scientific figures that included Joseph Black, a pioneer<br \/>in the field of chemistry, James Watt, later of steam-engine fame, Robert<br \/>Foulis, a distinguished printer and publisher and subsequent founder of the<br \/>first British Academy of Design, and not least, the philosopher David Hume,<br \/>a lifelong friend whom Smith had met in Edinburgh. Smith was also<br \/>introduced during these years to the company of the great merchants who<br \/>were carrying on the colonial trade that had opened to Scotland following<br \/>its union with England in 1707. One of them, Andrew Cochrane, had been a<br \/>provost of Glasgow and had founded the famous Political Economy Club. From<br \/>Cochrane and his fellow merchants Smith undoubtedly acquired the detailed<br \/>information concerning trade and business that was to give such a sense of<br \/>the real world to The Wealth of Nations.<br \/><br \/><br \/>The Theory of Moral Sentiments<br \/><br \/><br \/>In 1759 Smith Published his first work, The Theory of Moral Sentiments.<br \/>Didactic, exhortative, and analytic by turns, The Theory lays the<br \/>psychological foundation on which The Wealth of Nations was later to be<br \/>built. In it Smith described the principles of \u201chuman nature \u201c, which,<br \/>together with Hume and the other leading philosophers of his time, he took<br \/>as a universal and unchanging datum from which social institutions, as well<br \/>as social behaviour, could be deduced.<br \/><br \/>One question in particular interested Smith in The Theory of Moral<br \/>Sentiments. This was a problem that had attracted Smith\u2019s teacher Hutcheson<br \/>and a number of Scottish philosophers before him. The question was the<br \/>source of the ability to form moral judgements, including judgements on<br \/>one\u2019s own behaviour, in the face of the seemingly overriding passions for<br \/>self-preservation and self-interest. Smith\u2019s answer, at considerable<br \/>length, is the presence within each of us of an \u201cinner man\u201d who plays the<br \/>role of the \u201cimpartial spectator\u201d, approving or condemning our own and<br \/>others\u2019 actions with a voice impossible to disregard. (The theory may sound<br \/>less naive if the question is reformulated to ask how instinctual drives<br \/>are socialized through the superego.)<br \/><br \/>The thesis of the impartial spectator, however, conceals a more important<br \/>aspect of the book. Smith saw humans as created by their ability to reason<br \/>and - no less important - by their capacity for sympathy. This duality<br \/>serves both to pit individuals against one another and to provide them with<br \/>the rational and moral faculties to create institutions by which  the<br \/>internecine struggle can be  mitigated and even  turned to the common good.<br \/>He wrote in his Moral Sentiments the famous observation that he was to<br \/>repeat later in The Wealth of Nations: that self-seeking men are often \u201cled<br \/>by an invisible hand... without knowing it , without intending it, to<br \/>advance the interest of the society.\u201d<br \/><br \/>It should be noted that scholars have long debated whether Moral Sentiments<br \/>complemented or was in conflict with The Wealth of Nations, which followed<br \/>it. At one level there is a seeming clash between the theme of social<br \/>morality contained in the first  and largely amoral explanation of the<br \/>manner in which individuals are socialized to become the market-oriented<br \/>and class-bound actors that set the economic system into motion.<br \/><br \/><br \/>Travels on the Continent<br \/><br \/><br \/>The Theory quickly brought Smith wide esteem and in particular attracted<br \/>the attention of Charles Townshend, himself something of an amateur<br \/>economist, a considerable wit, and somewhat less of a statesman, whose fate<br \/>it was to be the chancellor of the exchequer responsible for the measures<br \/>of taxation that ultimately provoked the American Revolution. Townshend had<br \/>recently married and was searching for a tutor for his stepson and ward,<br \/>the young Duke of Buccleuch. Influenced by the strong recommendations of<br \/>Hume and his own admiration for The Theory of Moral Sentiments, he<br \/>Approached Smith to take the Charge.<br \/>The terms of employment were lucrative (an annual salary of \u0408300 plus<br \/>travelling expenses and a pension of \u0408300 a year after), considerably more<br \/>than Smith had earned as a professor. Accordingly, Smith resigned his<br \/>Glasgow post in 1763 and set off for France the next year as the tutor of<br \/>the young duke. They stayed mainly in Toulouse, where Smith began working<br \/>on a book (eventually to be The Wealth of Nations) as an antidote to the<br \/>excruciating boredom of the provinces. After 18 months of ennui he was<br \/>rewarded with a two-month sojourn in Geneva, where he met Voltaire, for<br \/>whom he had the profoundest respect, thence to Paris where Hume, then<br \/>secretary to the British embassy, introduced Smith to the great literary<br \/>salons of the French Enlightenment. There he met a group of social<br \/>reformers and theorists headed by Francois Quesnay, who are known in<br \/>history as the physiocrats. There is some controversy as to the precise<br \/>degree of influence the physiocrats exerted on Smith, but it is known that<br \/>he thought sufficiently well of Quesnay to have considered dedicating The<br \/>Wealth of Nations to him, had not the French economist died before<br \/>publication.<br \/><br \/>The stay in Paris was cut short by a shocking event. The younger brother of<br \/>the Duke of Buccleuch , who had joined them in Toulouse, took ill and<br \/>perished despite Smith\u2019s frantic ministration. Smith and his charge<br \/>immediately returned to London. Smith worked in London until the spring of<br \/>1767 with Lord Townshend, a period during which he was elected a fellow of<br \/>the Royal Society and broadened still further his intellectual circle to<br \/>include Edmund Burke, Samuel Johnson, Edward Gibbon, and perhaps Benjamin<br \/>Franklin. Late that year he returned to Kirkcaldy, where the next six years<br \/>were spent dictating and reworking The Wealth of Nations, followed by<br \/>another stay of three years in London, where the work was finally completed<br \/>and published in 1776.<br \/><br \/><br \/>The Wealth of Nations<br \/><br \/><br \/>Despite its renown as the first great work in political economy. The Wealth<br \/>of Nations is in fact a continuation of the philosophical theme begun in<br \/>The Theory of Moral Sentiments. The ultimate problem to which Smith<br \/>addresses himself is how the inner struggle between the passions and the<br \/>\u201cimpartial spectator\u2019 - explicated in Moral Sentiments in terms of the<br \/>single individual - works its effects in the larger arena of history<br \/>itself, both in the long-run evolution of society and in terms of the<br \/>immediate characteristics of the stage of history typical of Smith\u2019s own<br \/>day.<br \/><br \/>The answer to this problem enters in Book 5, in which Smith outlines he<br \/>four main stages of organization through which society is impelled, unless<br \/>blocked by deficiencies of resources, wars, or bad policies of government:<br \/>the original \u201crude\u2019 state of hunters, a second stage of nomadic<br \/>agriculture, a third stage of feudal or manorial \u201cfarming\u201d, and a fourth<br \/>and final stage of commercial interdependence.<br \/><br \/>It should be noted that each of these stages is accompanied by institutions<br \/>suited to its needs. For example, in the age of the huntsman, \u201cthere is<br \/>scar any established magistrate or any regular administration of justice. \u201c<br \/> With the advent of flocks there emerges a more complex form of social<br \/>organization, comprising not only \u201cformidable\u201d armies but the central<br \/>institution of private property with its  indispensable buttress of law and<br \/>order as well. It is  the very essence of Smith\u2019s thought that he<br \/>recognized this institution, whose social usefulness he never doubted, as<br \/>an instrument for the protection of privilege, rather than one to be<br \/>justified in terms of natural law: \u201cCivil government,\u201d he wrote, \u201cso far as<br \/>it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for<br \/>the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some<br \/>property against those who have none at all.\u201d Finally, Smith describes the<br \/>evolution through feudalism into a stage of society requiring new<br \/>institutions such as  market-determined rather than guild-determined wages<br \/>and free rather than government-constrained enterprise. This later became<br \/>known as laissez-faire capitalism; Smith called it the system of perfect<br \/>liberty.<br \/><br \/>There is an obvious resemblance between this succession of changes in the<br \/>material basis of production, each bringing its requisite alterations in<br \/>the superstructure of laws and civil institutions, and the Marxian<br \/>conception of history. Though the resemblance is indeed remarkable, there<br \/>is also a crucial difference: in the Marxian scheme the engine of evolution<br \/>is ultimately the struggle between contending classes, whereas in Smith\u2019s<br \/>philosophical history the primal moving agency is \u201chuman nature \u201cdriven by<br \/>the desire for self-betterment and guided (or misguided) by the faculties<br \/>of reason.<br \/><br \/><br \/>Society and \u201cthe invisible hand\u201d<br \/><br \/><br \/>The theory of historical evolution, although it is perhaps the binding<br \/>conception of The Wealth of Nations, is subordinated within the work itself<br \/>to a detailed description of how the \u201cinvisible hand\u201d actually operates<br \/>within the commercial, or final, stage of society. This becomes the focus<br \/>of Books I and II. In which Smith undertakes to elucidate two questions.<br \/>The first is how a system of perfect liberty, operating under the drives<br \/>and constraints of human nature and intelligently designed institutions ,<br \/>will give rise to an orderly society. The question, which had already been<br \/>considerably elucidated by earlier writers, required both an explanation of<br \/>the underlying orderliness in the pricing of individual commodities and an<br \/>explanation of the \u201claws\u201d that regulated the division of the entire<br \/>\u201cwealth\u201d of the nation (which Smith saw as its annual production of goods<br \/>and services) among the three great claimant classes - labourers,<br \/>landlords, and manufacturers.<br \/><br \/>This orderliness, as would be expected, was produced by the interaction of<br \/>the two aspects of human nature, its response to its passions and its<br \/>susceptibility to reason and sympathy. But whereas The Theory of Moral<br \/>Sentiments  had relied mainly on the presence of the \u201cinner man\u201d to provide<br \/>the necessary restraints to private action, in The Wealth of Nations one<br \/>finds an institutional mechanism that acts to reconcile the disruptive<br \/>possibilities inherent in a blind obedience to the passions alone. This<br \/>protective mechanism is competition, an arrangement by which the passionate<br \/>desire for bettering one\u2019s condition - a \u201cdesire that comes with United<br \/>States from the womb, and never leaves United States until we go into the<br \/>grave \u201c - is turned into a socially beneficial agency by pitting one<br \/>person\u2019s drive for self-betterment against another\u2019s.<br \/><br \/>It is in the unintended outcome of this competitive struggle for self-<br \/>betterment that the invisible hand regulating the economy shows itself, for<br \/>Smith explains how  mutual vying forces the prices of commodities down to<br \/>their natural levels, which correspond to their costs of production.<br \/>Moreover, by inducing labour and capital to move from less to more<br \/>profitable occupations or areas, the competitive mechanism constantly<br \/>restores prices to these \u201cnatural\u201d levels despite short-run aberrations.<br \/>Finally, by explaining that wages and rents and profits (the constituent<br \/>parts of the costs of production) are themselves subject to this natural<br \/>prices but also revealed an underlying orderliness in the distribution of<br \/>income itself among workers, whose recompense was their wages; landlords,<br \/>whose income was their rents; and manufacturers, whose reward was their<br \/>profit.<br \/><br \/><br \/>Economic growth<br \/><br \/><br \/>Smith\u2019s analysis  of the market as a self- correcting mechanism was<br \/>impressive. But his purpose was more ambitious than to demonstrate the self-<br \/>adjusting properties of the system. Rather, it was to show that, under the<br \/>impetus of the acquisitive drive, the annual flow of national wealth could<br \/>be seen steadily to grow.<br \/><br \/>Smith\u2019s explanation of economic growth , although not neatly assembled in<br \/>one part of The Wealth of Nations, is quite clear. The score of it lies in<br \/>his emphasis on the division of labour (itself an outgrowth of the<br \/>\u201cnatural\u201d propensity to trade) as the source of society\u2019s capacity  to<br \/>increase its productivity. The Wealth of Nations opens with a famous<br \/>passage describing a pin factory in which 10 persons, by specialising in<br \/>various tasks, turn out 48,000 pins a day, compared with the few, perhaps<br \/>only 1 , that each could have produced alone. But this all-important<br \/>division of labour does not take place unaided. It can occur only after the<br \/>prior accumulation of capital (or stock, as Smith calls it ), which is used<br \/>to pay the additional workers and to buy tools and machines.<br \/><br \/>The drive for accumulation, however, brings problems. The manufacturer who<br \/>accumulates stock needs more labourers ( since labour-saving technology has<br \/>no place in Smith\u2019s scheme), and in attempting to hire them he bids up<br \/>their wages above their \u201cnatural\u201d price. Consequently his profits begin to<br \/>fall, and the process of accumulation is in danger of ceasing. But now<br \/>there enters an ingenious mechanism for continuing the advance. In bidding<br \/>up the price of labour, the manufacturer inadvertently sets into motion a<br \/>process  that increases the supply of labour, for \u201cthe demand for men, like<br \/>that for any other commodity, necessarily regulates the production of men.\u201d<br \/>Specifically, Smith had in mind the effect of higher wages in lessening<br \/>child mortality. Under the influence of a larger labour supply, the wage<br \/>rise is moderated and profits are maintained; the new supply of labourers<br \/>offers a continuing opportunity for the manufacturer to introduce a further<br \/>division of labour and thereby add to the system\u2019s growth.<br \/>Here then was a \u201cmachine\u201d for growth - a machine that operated with all the<br \/>reliability of the Newtonian system with which Smith was quite familiar.<br \/>Unlike the Newtonian system, however, Smith\u2019s growth machine did not depend<br \/>for its operation on the laws of nature alone. Human nature drove it, and<br \/>human nature was a complex rather than a simple force. Thus, the wealth of<br \/>nations would  grow only if individuals, through their governments, did not<br \/>inhibit this growth by catering to the pleas for special privilege that<br \/>would prevent the competitive system from exerting its begin effect.<br \/>Consequently, much of The Wealth of Nations, especially Book IV, is a<br \/>polemic against the restrictive measures of the \u201cmercantile system\u201d that<br \/>favoured monopolies at home and abroad. Smith\u2019s system of \u201cnatural<br \/>liberty\u201d, he is careful to point out, accords with the best interests of<br \/>all but will not be put into practice if government is entrusted to, or<br \/>heeds, the \u201cmean rapacity, who neither are , nor ought to be, the rulers of<br \/>mankind.\u201d<br \/><br \/>The Wealth of Nations is therefore far from the ideological tract it is<br \/>often supposed to be. Although Smith preached laissez-faire (with important<br \/>exceptions), his argument was directed as much against monopoly as<br \/>government; and although he extolled the social results of the acquisitive<br \/>process, he almost invariably treated the manners and manoeuvres of<br \/>businessmen with contempt. Nor did he see the commercial system itself as<br \/>wholly admirable. He wrote with decrement about the intellectual<br \/>degradation of the worker in a society in which the division of labour has<br \/>proceeded very far; for by comparison with the alert intelligence of the<br \/>husbandman, the specialised worker \u201cgenerally becomes as stupid and<br \/>ignorant as it is possible for a human being to become\u201d.<br \/><br \/>In all of this, it is notable that Smith was writing in an age of<br \/>preindustrial capitalism. He seems to have had no real presentiment of the<br \/>gathering Industrial Revolution, harbingers of which were visible in the<br \/>great ironworks only a few miles from  Edinburgh. He had nothing to say<br \/>about large-scale industrial enterprise, and the few remarks in The Wealth<br \/>of Nations concerning the future of joint-stock companies (corporations)<br \/>are disparaging. Finally, one should bear in mind, that, if growth is the<br \/>great theme of The Wealth of Nations, it is not unending growth. Here and<br \/>there in the treatise are glimpsed at a secularly declining rate of profit;<br \/>and Smith mentions as well the prospects that when the system eventually<br \/>accumulates its \u201cfull complement of riches\u201d - all the pin factories, so to<br \/>speak, whose output could be  absorbed - economic decline would begin,<br \/>ending in an impoverished stagnation.<br \/><br \/>The Wealth of Nations was received with admiration by Smith\u2019s wide circle<br \/>of friends and admires, although it was by no means an  immediate popular<br \/>success. The work finished, Smith went into semiretirement. The year<br \/>following its publication he was appointed commissioner both of customs and<br \/> of salt duties for Scotland, posts that brought him \u0408600 a year. He<br \/>thereupon informed his former charge  that he no longer  required his<br \/>pension, to  which Buccleuch replied that his sense of honour would never<br \/>allow him to stop paying it. Smith was therefore quite well off in the<br \/>final years of his life, which were spent mainly in Edinburgh with<br \/>occasional trips to London or Glasgow (which appointed him a rector of the<br \/>university). The years passed quietly, with several revisions of both major<br \/>books but with no further publications. On July 17, 1790, at the age of 67,<br \/>full of honours and recognition, Smith died; he was buried in the<br \/>churchyard at Canongate with a simple monument stating that Adam Smith,<br \/>author of The Wealth of Nations, was buried there.<br \/><br \/>Beyond the few facts of his life, which can be embroidered only in detail,<br \/>exasperatingly little is known about the man. Smith never married, and<br \/>almost nothing is known of his personal side. Moreover, it was the custom<br \/>of his time to destroy rather than to preserve the private files if<br \/>illustrious men, with the unhappy result that much of Smith\u2019s unfinished<br \/>work, as well as his personal papers, was destroyed (some as late as 1942).<br \/>Only one portrait of Smith survives, a profile medallion by Tassie; it<br \/>gives a glimpse of the older man with his somewhat heavy-lidded eyes,<br \/>aquiline nose, and a hint of protrusive lower lip. \u201cI am a beau in nothing<br \/>but my books, \u201dSmith once told a friend to whom he was showing his library<br \/>of some  3,000  volumes.<br \/><br \/>From various accounts, he was also a man of many peculiarities, which<br \/>included a stumbling manner of speech ( until he had warmed to his<br \/>subject), a gait described as \u201cvermicular\u201d\/ and above all an extraordinary<br \/>and even comic absence of mind. On the other hand, contemporaries wrote of<br \/>a smile of \u201cinexpressive benignity,\u201d and of his political tact and dispatch<br \/>in managing the sometimes acerbic business of the Glasgow faculty.<br \/><br \/>Certainly he enjoyed a high measure of contemporary fame; even in his early<br \/>days at Glasgow his reputation attracted students from nations as distant<br \/>as Russia, and his later years were crowned not only with expression of<br \/>admiration from many European thinkers but by a growing recognition among<br \/>British governing circles that his work provided a rationale of inestimable<br \/>importance for practical economic policy.<br \/><br \/>Over the years, Smith\u2019s lustre as a social philosopher has escaped much of<br \/>the weathering that has affected the reputations of other first-rate<br \/>political economists. Although he was writing for his generation, the<br \/>breadth of his knowledge\/ the cutting edge of his generalization, the<br \/>boldness of his vision, have never ceased to attract the admiration of all<br \/>social scientists, and in particular economists. Couched in the spacious,<br \/>cadenced prose of his period, rich in imagery and crowded with life, The<br \/>Wealth of Nations projects a sanguine but never sentimental image of<br \/>society. Never so finely analytic  as David Ricardo nor so stern and<br \/>profound as Karl Marx, Smith is the very epitome of the Enlightenment:<br \/>hopeful but realistic, speculative but practical, always respectful of the<br \/>classical past but ultimately dedicated to the great discovery of his age -<br \/>progress.<br \/><br \/><br \/><br \/>BIBLIOGRAPHY:<br \/>John Rae. \u201cLife of Adam Smith\u201d 1985<br \/>William Scott. \u201cAdam Smith as Student and Professor\u201d 1987<br \/>Andrew S. Skinner. \u201cEssays on Adam Smith\u201d 1988<br \/><\/pre>\n<div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>RUSSIAN ECONOMIC ACADEMY NAMED AFTER G V PLEKHANOV INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS STUDIES ADAM SMITH Student: Anton Skobelev Group: 855 Moscow 1997After two centuries, Adam Smith remains a towering figure in the history ofeconomic thought. Known primarily for a single work, An Inquiry into thenature an causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), the first comprehensivesystem of [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/87608"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=87608"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/87608\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=87608"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=87608"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=87608"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}