{"id":110976,"date":"2017-11-30T11:06:00","date_gmt":"2017-11-30T11:06:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2023-01-08T11:05:44","modified_gmt":"2023-01-08T11:05:44","slug":"china-foreign-policy-under-deng","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/2017\/11\/30\/china-foreign-policy-under-deng\/","title":{"rendered":"China&#39;s foreign policy under Deng"},"content":{"rendered":"<div style=\"margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 0px;\" class=\"sharethis-inline-share-buttons\" ><\/div><h3 class=\"post-title entry-title\" itemprop=\"name\"><\/h3>\n<div class=\"post-header\"> <\/div>\n<p>This is the second part of my blog entries on Deng Xiaoping based on the  book by Ezra Vogel.  Next time, I will explore Deng and June 4th  student movement, but this entry will look over his foreign policy  works.  Ezra Vogel did a great job exploring the major foreign policy  decisions faced with Deng at the time of his reign.  They included the  normalization of relations with USA, Japan, USSR, war with Vietnam and  negotiations with Taiwan and Tibetan exile government.<\/p>\n<p>When looking at the normalization of relationship with USA and Japan in  the late 70s, it&#8217;s really interesting to see how weak China&#8217;s  negotiation positions were.  At that point, China needed the west for  investments, technology, education and support against USSR.  In fact,  Mao decided to approach US only after he realized China badly needed  America to help fend off the Soviet threat.  It&#8217;s probably hard for  someone from Deng&#8217;s generation to imagine the West needing China for  money to bail out.<\/p>\n<p>When Deng came back to power in the late 70s, China was facing not only  overwhelming Soviet threat to the north and West (the backfires could  bomb Beijing and fly back to their bases without escort), but also a  superior trained and equipped Vietnamese side to the south.  Even North  Korean support was not guaranteed.  China was faced with a full  encirclement and was weak economically and militarily.  First, Deng made  sure to firm up China&#8217;s relationship with the North Koreans to reduce  threat from East.  Then, Deng decided China had to break the  encirclement by attacking Vietnam.  Of course, China was facing the  threat of Soviet retaliation, so it worked hard to speed up the  normalization of relations with both USA and Japan.  America and its  allies feared USSR hegemony over continental Asia, so both USA and Japan  were willing to extend hand to China for cooperation against USSR.   Deng recognized a window of opportunity to show a new and stable China  to the rest of the world and normalize relations with Western powers. In  1972, China had already officially normalized relations with Japan, but  a more comprehensive treaty needed to be signed and China wanted an  anti-hegemony clause for support against USSR, Before Deng visited Japan  in October 1978, Japan had been reluctant to accept such a clause that  was so blatantly pointed at USSR.  China was limited by time constraint  of its impending invasion into Vietnam, so eventually gave in by  allowing a mitigation clause saying the anti-hegemony was not aimed at  anyone.  When Deng visited Japan, he put a lot of Japanese at ease about  Chinese intentions and focused on future cooperations rather than the  past.  By not bombarding Japan with past guilt, Deng won a lot of  support from Japanese business in investment and modernization.  When I  read this, I think that the current generation of Chinese leaders also  have better options in negotiations with Japan than only trying to push  forward with hard power.  They can have less aggressive foreign policy  toward Japan without appearing to be weak at home.<\/p>\n<p>By the late 70s, high level discussions were under way for normalization  of relations between China and USA.  Deng realized that he not only  needed US to counter Soviet threat, but also to modernize and invest.   Deng&#8217;s biggest pitch to USA was the threat of Soviet ambitions and  hegemony in Asia.  He labeled the Americans as too soft on USSR.  There  was the one major problem of Taiwan.  Deng would not normalize relations  with US unless US broke diplomatic relations with Taiwan, ended  US\/Taiwan Mutual Defense Treaty and withdrew its military from Taiwan.   Deng expected Taiwan to be forced to reunify with China once this  happens.  Deng would allow Taiwan to still have its own autonomy and  even keep its army, but take down its flag.  US basically agreed with  all the conditions, but insisted that it reserves the right to sell  Taiwan selected weapons of defensive nature.  Deng eventually gave in to  that demand allowed normalization to continue.  i think Deng realized  that China did not have enough leverage on Washington to stop all weapon  sales.  They had a narrow window of opportunity to negotiate the  normalization of relation due to the political climate in Washington and  the Taiwan lobby.  Deng and the US negotiators at that time believed  that weapon sales would eventually stop completely as American public  accept mainland as the only China, which would pressure Taiwan into  reunifiction talks.  I think Deng held out hope that Taiwan would cave  and reunify with China during his life time, but that obviously did not  happen.  Two important events happened to stop this.  Taiwan ended  martial law and human right abuses and adopted democracy.  The June 4th  student movement was crushed in Beijing and stopped China&#8217;s move toward  greater political reform.  After that, Mainland became the evil  dictatorship and Taiwan became the democratic underdog seeking liberty.   It would be hard to imagine American public supporting ending weapon  sales at this point.  At the same time, the Chinese leadership have not  given up the hope that America would stop weapon sales to Taiwan over  time due to these early discussions.  So if you wonder why China makes a  big deal out of each weapon sales to Taiwan, it is because China  expected USA to stop selling weapons to Taiwan several years after the  normalization.  We&#8217;ve seen many change of leadership in America since  1979, but the Chinese leadership still adopts the same position taken by  Deng over 30 years ago.  Of course, the normalization has helped China  far more than USA, so Deng was correct to conceed on the weapon sales  even if he was accused by some as too soft in negotiations.  More  importantly, Deng impressed his American counterparts with his  directness and provided a look of reason to the American public during  his visit.  He did not appear as a hated communist but rather someone  looking to improve the lives of his people.  That&#8217;s someone the Western  world can sympathize in.  He managed to have a successful trip even  though he told Carter that China is about to attack Vietnam.  The  current generation of Chinese leaders are a bunch of lifeless  technocrats who always stick by the script.  I don&#8217;t think any of them  could have pulled that off without widespread condemnation.<\/p>\n<p>Once Deng came back from America, China launched its war against  Vietnam.  The elite PLA troops were left along the Soviet border for  possible retaliations, so only secondary tier of troops were attacking  Vietnam.  The conflict concluded in less than 30 days without Soviet  intervention and PLA claimed to have achieved its primary goals before  withdrawing with a &#8220;Scorch Earth&#8221; policy.  However, PLA suffered serious  casualty, because it was still recovering from the Cultural Revolution  and was simply not ready to fight.  Looking broadly, Deng did achieve  his goal of reducing Vietnamese power in ASEAN region and enhancing  China&#8217;s standing amongst countries fearing Vietnam\/USSR hegemony.  The  Scorch Earth policy seriously damaged infrastructure\/countryside in  North Vietnam and severely reduce the offensive capability of Vietnam  along the border.  By demonstrating to Vietnam that it is willing to  attack, Vietnam was forced to keep more than half a million soldier to  protect itself from China.  Vietnam eventually could not afford to keep  that many soldiers along Chinese border while also occupying Cambodia,  so it had to give up its dream of regional hegemony.  This conflict  basically removed the Soviet encirclement allowing China to have peace  and fully pursue economic development.  Even so, I tend to think the  last part could have been achieved without attacking Vietnam.  Not only  did China suffer 20,000 to 60,000 causalities, it also diverted precious  resources that should have gone toward improving the economy.  Unlike  the current American model of financing war on debt, China had to run a  relatively balanced budget at that time.  On top of that, the invasion  and earth scorching policies have left deep distrust and resentment  toward China from Vietnam.  And after Soviet Union got bogged down in  Afghanistan in the 80s, China no longer faced the same level of  encirclement dangers from the Soviets.  We will never know if the Soviet  encirclement threat was so great that China had to loose so many young  lives and money to ensure peace and stability.<\/p>\n<p>Deng&#8217;s approach toward USSR as a whole was quite effective.  By the 70s,  the security threat facing China from USSR was so strong that even Mao  decided to turn to the much hated Americans for support.  PLA combat  capabilities significantly weakened during the Cultural Revolution as it  focused on class struggle and political thoughts rather than training  and improvement.  And America was receptive toward Chinese overtures  because it was concerned that USSR would take over China and dominate  all of Asia.  Deng faced the same threat when he took over, which is why  he made such a strong presentation to Japan and America about the  threat of Soviet hegemony in Europe and Asia.  He repeatedly pointed out  American weakness and labeled SALT II as American appeasement toward  Soviets.  Deng himself took a very hard stance toward Russians.  He  attacked Vietnam to show that Russia was not prepared to be drawn into a  land war in East Asia.  This was an extremely gusty and risky move,  because PLA really would have a hard time stopping Soviet advances had a  retaliation come.  Deng felt that Soviet concerns in Europe and China&#8217;s  new found friendship with USA and Japan would prevent Soviet  retaliation to the north.  He turned out to be right.  After he felt the  encirclement threat was gone, he reached out to USSR again for  normalization of relations.  He felt that USSR would eventually exhaust  from arms race with America and its war in Afghanistan, so he gave them  three conditions for normalizing relations.  He demanded that the  Soviets had to pull out of Afghanistan, remove troops from China&#8217;s  northern border area and the Vietnamese had to leave Cambodia.  He stuck  by those conditions all through the 80s until the Soviet leadership  gave in to normalize relations.  Gorbachev came in 1989 on Deng&#8217;s terms  and even offered to sell China its most advanced Su-27 fighter jets.<\/p>\n<p>Deng, like Mao and Zhou before him, had hoped that Taiwan would reunite  with China during their lifetime.  In 1683, 22 years after remnants of  Ming troops fled to Taiwan, their leaders agreed that Taiwan would again  become part of China.  Deng hoped that Chiang Ching-Kuo would also  rejoin Taiwan to China.  He proposed that Taiwan could keep its own  social system for 1000 years and even keep its own army, but have to  take down its flag.  Chiang was defiant and maintained that the Republic  of China represented all of China.  Deng wanted to isolate Taiwan in  the international stage to pressure them into voluntarily rejoining  China, but the passage of the Taiwan Relations Act provided all the  support that Taiwan needed.  It was a huge blow for Deng, who felt that  that the conditions of normalization would lead to reduction of arms  sales to Taiwan.  Deng believed at that time that US would eventually  stop selling all weapons to Taiwan, which would pressure Taiwan to  rejoin China at some point down the road.  15 years after Deng&#8217;s death,  US and China still have the same position toward Taiwan.  On one hand,  Taiwan has drawn closer to China with business integration, increased  trades, direct flights and increased tourism.  On the other hand, the  majority of Taiwanese now consider themselves as Taiwanese rather than  Chinese.  Deng had said that China is willing to wait a century and even  a millennium to reunify with Taiwan.  You can see that the current  Chinese leadership is still trying to slowly increase its leverage over  Taiwan until Taiwan takes down its flag.  The negotiations over Hong  Kong was also quite interesting.  Britain was coming off the highs of  Falkland Islands victory and Thatcher came into the negotiations  thinking that Deng&#8217;s positions were negotiation tactics.  Thatcher came  out of the meeting with Deng so shaken by Deng&#8217;s tough stance that she  slipped and fell to her knees.  Over the next year, Deng made it clear  that China is not Argentina and would send in the troops to take control  of Hong Kong if needed.  China&#8217;s forceful position eventually persuaded  the British to sign the declaration for handing over Hong Kong in 1997.<\/p>\n<p>Deng&#8217;s positions toward Tibet was not as inflexible as some may think.   Back in the 1950s, Mao had achieved relatively good relations with the  Tibetans by allowing Dalai Lama to have relative autonomy over the  Tibetan Autonomous Regions (TAR).  Tibetans accepted Chinese  sovereignty, but was granted the right to administer TAR, keep their own  currency and even maintain their own army.  China would be in charge of  foreign affairs, military affairs and border controls.  The problem  happened due to the communist reforms in areas outside of TAR, where  half of the Tibetans lived.  The Tibetans in Sichuan rioted and then  fled to Tibet after they were beaten.  Of course, we had more conflicts  on TAR in 1959, which led to Dalai Lama moving the Tibetan exile  government to India.  When Deng came to power, he had to reconcile with  Tibetans who had suffered the wrath of Cultural Revolution when the red  guard destroyed a lot of Tibetan culture.  Deng really tried to make  amend when he first came to power, but he also was unaware of the true  alienation of Tibetans against the Han population.  When Tibetan exile  delegation visited TAR, they became more critical of Chinese treatment  of Tibetans.  Hu Yaobang and Deng tried to take a much softer approach  in TAR to satisfy the Tibetans.  However, their position was still not  good enough for Dalai Lama and also increased Tibetan belief that they  can become independent.  The two sides did try to reconcile their  positions, but at least one Tibetan condition is too much even for the  most reasonable and leniant Chinese negotiator.  Tibetan exiles wanted  the boundaries of Tibet to be extended to include the Tibetan minority  areas in other provinces including Sichuan, Ginghai, Gansu and Yunnan.   Now, Tibetans are the minorities in these area (and have been so for  quite some time), so I think this is probably the most unreasonable  condition.  Now, the softer approach toward Tibetan led to to Tibetan  revolts for full independence in the late 1980s, which were crushed.   Since then, China has practiced a much more heavy handed approach in  Tibet while trying to promote economic growth to stabilize the region.   Through the negotiations in the 80s, I think Chinese leadership  concluded that although Dalai Lama himself may accept autonomy and  return to rule in Tibet, the rest of the Tibetan exile movement are more  extreme and would not allow Dalai Lama to take a middle approach.  I  think the Chinese leadership would&#8217;ve been okay with granting Dalai Lama  the same level of autonomy that he had in the 1950s (if not more) for  TAR, but there have been too much bad blood built up in the recent years  for Tibetans to accept that.  The positions from both side have not  really changed since the 80s.  Unless Chinese leadership is willing to  apologize to the Tibetans and push local officials to be more lenient in  TAR, I don&#8217;t really see things moving for the better.  On the overall  scheme of things, Deng never regarded Tibet as important as Taiwan, Hong  Kong and foreign relations.<\/p>\n<p>I think the most impressive part is that Deng knew what he could extract  from each country that he dealt with.  He knew which countries he  needed to visit to build up support for his agenda.  He also had a clear  understanding of the geopolitical situation around the world and waited  for the right time to strike.  He also appealed to other world leaders  with his directness and honesty.  During normalization of relations with  USSR, he told American counterparts that negotiations were going on and  assured them that relations with America would remain strong. Deng  formulated the theory that China should &#8220;adopt a low profile and never  take the lead&#8221;. Simply put, Deng knew how to reduce tension and build  relationships without caving into foreign demands.  After Deng, I think  the Jiang Zemin + Zhu Rongji administration also did a good job, but the  current Hu Jintao administrations just seem to bundle one situation  after another.  The other interesting thing he did was allowing large  numbers of Chinese students to travel abroad to study (compared to  Soviet fears of brain drain).  He thought that those who go abroad would  help China even if they did not return to China right away.  That&#8217;s one  assessment that he had great foresight in.  An ever increasing number  of former students that settled abroad have now brought back their  knowledge and expertise to improving China.  I see this in my parents&#8217;  generation.  Many of them are living comfortable lives in the Western  world, but still talk of doing something to help their home land.   Overall, I think Deng should not have attack Vietnam.  Other than that, I  think his policies were spot on.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>This is the second part of my blog entries on Deng Xiaoping based on the book by Ezra Vogel. Next time, I will explore Deng and June 4th student movement, but this entry will look over his foreign policy works. Ezra Vogel did a great job exploring the major foreign policy decisions faced with Deng [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[1],"tags":[],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/110976"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=110976"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/110976\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=110976"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=110976"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/cvnextjob.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=110976"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}